The hearts and minds in this fight

Yes, let’s have more local governments beyond Cebu City and Pangasinan’s Labrador municipality declare July 12 as “West Philippine Sea Victory Day” — towards, hopefully, a national observance of this legal milestone when we faced down and won over a superpower.

That was the day, a decade ago, when the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) in The Hague issued the arbitral award which struck down the basis for China’s expansive claim to much of the South China Sea.

The Philippines, in this case, gave maritime states and others who rely on free navigation through strategic waterways to secure vital supplies, a legal weapon to uphold such rights. I recall a time when, as a young researcher in one of the national security-related agencies, I envied Vietnam for successively defeating France and the United States, and wondered when the Philippines could make its own mark that would be recognized by other powers.

REGULAR REMINDER
There have been a few bills filed in the House of Representatives and the Senate to declare a “West Philippine Sea (WPS) Victory Day,” namely: House Bills No. 01626 and 0494 (both filed in July 2025 and still awaiting action in the Revision of Laws committee), as well as Senate Bill No. 578 (filed also in July last year but still pending with the Foreign Relations and the Finance committees). Perhaps a sign of lawmakers’ general lukewarmness towards this proposal was the fact that similar measures filed in the 17^th to 19^th Congresses (July 2016-June 2025) failed to become law.

These bills call for activities to mark every July 12, including “educational campaigns, seminars, forums and cultural events to emphasize the historic, economic, and ecological significance” of the 2016 arbitral ruling through “various media platforms, including but not limited to television, radio, print and online channels.”

Such observance can serve as an annual reminder and rallying point on what’s at stake as we resist aggression in the West Philippine Sea or in any other area within our exclusive economic zone (EEZ).

If you prefer less antagonistic nomenclature, alternatives include: National Day of Maritime Resolve, National Maritime Rights Day, Maritime Law Day, etc., especially if we are to expand the spirit of our victory here to apply to the rest of our EEZ (in case any country decides to push us around elsewhere, e.g., the marine- and energy-rich Benham Rise on the Pacific Ocean side of Luzon).

For while surveys from the Social Weather Stations, Pulse Asia Research, and OCTA Research show that most Filipinos favor the assertion of Philippine sovereign rights in the WPS, and alliances in order to help defend those rights, experience has shown how easily we forget lessons in recent history (leaving those at the frontlines, especially affected fishing communities in Bataan and Zambales, to fend for themselves).

ON THE OFFENSIVE
Let’s not kid ourselves — China’s communist party, government, and state-controlled media, in coordination with their paid Filipino minions (excluding those who honestly believe, without any form of remuneration, that being as placating to Beijing as was the past administration despite continued Chinese aggression would be more advantageous for us) have been most adept at flooding social media with Beijing’s position and arguments (again, the test being: if a commentary walks like a duck, swims like a duck, quacks like a duck, and even looks like a duck, then it must be…)

This well-oiled propaganda machine, plus the fact that most Filipinos rely primarily on social media for news¹ (although we are not alone with this profile) signal an uphill battle to school the Filipino public on our WPS rights.

Overtly, China Ambassador to the Philippines Jing Quan continues to make the rounds of Philippine government offices and private groups at the forefront of potential bilateral cooperation, while embassy spokesmen Ji Lingpeng and Guo Wei engage Philippine Defense and coast guard officials in tit-for-tat arguments.

Personally, I cannot help but grudgingly envy China’s seemingly well-coordinated push-and-pull strategy towards the Philippines, which is facilitated by Beijing’s highly centralized foreign policy-making and -implementing structure.

Lately, Mr. Jing has proposed to our Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) the establishment of a common fishing area in Bajo de Masinloc², which has been fenced off by Chinese vessels, besides exploring cooperation on joint natural gas resource development.

At first glance, those ideas may sound fine, although Defense Secretary Gilberto C. Teodoro, Jr. immediately dismissed the fishing area proposal, recalling that the July 2016 arbitral ruling upheld Philippine sovereign rights within the WPS³. So, depending on the terms, agreeing to such an arrangement within our own EEZ — in which we have sole rights to all resources — might weaken our legal stand.

WITH EYES WIDE OPEN
While I would be cautious about rejecting such proposals outright, we will do well to remember that the three flimsy structures which China built as purported fishermen’s shelters in Mischief Reef (known locally as Panganiban Reef, also within our EEZ) in 1994 turned into a military base in 2015 onward (roughly two years after we filed our case at The Hague). Moreover, promising talks for joint gas exploration around Reed Bank (also known as Recto Bank) in the WPS were terminated in mid-2022 (yes, under the previous administration) since proposed terms would violate our Constitution⁴.

So right there, one can see the limits of accommodating Beijing’s sensitivities (besides, the fact that former president Rodrigo Duterte himself had made veiled references in his last year in office to China’s unfriendly acts towards Philippine troops in the WPS).

Moreover, even if we proceed with the proposed joint fishing grounds, there is still the issue that Chinese fishers use sophisticated boats that are bigger (many of them of commercial size) than those used by our small-scale fishermen, who will just be pushed around/aside… so, this could turn out to be another, subtler gray-zone tactic.

Hence, should we accept any more recent overtures from our neighbor up north, we must do so with eyes wide open and prepare appropriate contingencies should things go south.

Still, let it not be said that we were closed to rapprochement. Who knows? Talks may succeed this time after Beijing saw how determined we are to push back against any aggression within our EEZ, including looping in more nations whose economies depend on unhindered shipping through the South China Sea, and speeding up the modernization of our military.

If we accept Beijing’s overtures, we need to speak with one voice in order to deliver messages clearly at this crucial juncture of bilateral relations. That means that only the DFA should talk on our bilateral ties with China (the Defense department, after all, like that of Trade and Industry, has a different primary function). At the same time, that lead department should closely coordinate with all its peers in government, as well as with business and all other affected sectors.

PUBLIC BUY-IN
For the long term, we need to rally the public on this issue, if only to counter Beijing’s stepped-up propaganda that aims to water down the country’s general resolve in standing up for our rights within our EEZ.

It is in this light that occasional talks given to students by coast guard officials may be commendable, but the fragmented nature of these and other relevant events can hardly leave a mark on the public’s consciousness.

The inclusion of the WPS in the Araling Panlipunan (social studies) curriculum for grades 4, 6, and 10⁵ starting this year is a good start, so let’s see how that goes (hopefully, well-designed visual aids will be used).

But in order to widen public awareness of WPS issues, there is a need to cluster and sustain efforts around a certain point each year for greater impact, for which July 12 presents a logical option.

This is one issue that provides a natural convergence point for government, civil society, and even business⁶, and so this annual effort can be spearheaded by groups like the Atin Ito Coalition; sectoral groups like the Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya, the biggest national federation of small-scale fisherfolk), the Subic Commercial Fishers Association, the New Masinloc Fishermen Association, and the Samahan ng Cabangaan-3 Fishermen’s Unity, etc.; think tanks; the academe; business groups; as well as relevant line departments/agencies and local governments, with the participation of interested foreign embassies.

This annual observance, around a particular theme, can be marked by:

• a half-day forum on current issues to involve think tanks like Stratbase Institute, WPS, Inc. (We Protect our Seas nonprofit policy organization), the West Philippine Sea Institute, the University of the Philippines’ Institute for Maritime Affairs and Law of the Sea, and the Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative, among others — discussions here to yield policy recommendations that will be presented at a public ceremony in Malacañan Palace on July 12 itself;

• art (like the WPS Mural Festival 2026⁷), speech/essay contests for students;

• local government and sectoral exhibits (including of fishery-related technologies) and fairs;

• a Saturday evening pop concert at the EDSA People Power monument, the CCP Complex grounds (especially since this location faces the direction of the WPS), or any other symbolic venue (Atin Ito’s occasional concerts in the WPS are certainly laudable, but there is a need for a venue that can draw wider youth participation);

• as well as public information drives on traditional and social media.

If enough interest gels into a consolidation of currently fragmented efforts by next year, the theme could focus on how the WPS issue affects ordinary Filipinos, i.e., in terms of affordable, available fish and other seafood; jobs; and even affordable, sufficient electricity for business and homes. I have written on this topic in an earlier column⁸, so I will not expound on it anymore.

Next year will be especially strategic and significant, coming as it does on the eve of preparations for the 2028 national and local elections, which both superpowers are sure to be keen on influencing. For Beijing, the May 2028 elections will provide a potential turning point for Philippine policy towards it that will be too tempting to ignore.

And have you noticed? Some political leaders who have been known to toe Beijing’s line have lately been rewording their stand in order to sound less controversial.

Hence, those of us keen on fighting for our rights within our EEZ have our work cut out for us, and need to be on top of our game on the road to 2028.

Notes:

¹ https://tinyurl.com/274ek2za

² https://tinyurl.com/2b2yh4hn

https://tinyurl.com/22zy5f5t

³ https://tinyurl.com/27k3vzxs

⁴ https://tinyurl.com/229zp56a

⁵ https://tinyurl.com/2dmhm97h

⁶ https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2024/06/22/2364708/philippine-business-groups-deplore-sea-harassment

⁷ https://tinyurl.com/2cw3tzcy

⁸ https://tinyurl.com/2btakh2z

Wilfredo G. Reyes was editor-in-chief of BusinessWorld from 2020 through 2023.